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Book Title : The Geography of Serbia. Book Subtitle : Nature, People, Economy. Publisher : Springer Cham. Hardcover ISBN : Series ISSN : Edition Number : 1. Number of Pages : XVI, Skip to main content. Search SpringerLink Search. Most comprehensive work on the Geography of Serbia in English Highly illustrated volume written by an experienced team of authors Integrates physical and human aspects of Serbian geography and brings them uniquely into a regional context within the Balkans and Europe.

Buying options eBook EUR Hardcover Book EUR Learn about institutional subscriptions. Table of contents 23 chapters Search within book Search. Page 1 Navigate to page number of 2. Front Matter Pages i-xvi. Physical Geography Front Matter Pages Demography Front Matter Pages The appointment was in the form of a letter of privilege berat from the sultan that guaranteed him 11 M.

I, Authority, New Haven , pp. It did not however specify any actual functions at the Divan. Gennadios letter of privilege has not been preserved, but a copy of the berat for his successor Patriarch Symeon, appointed in , has been preserved in a monastery on Mount Athos. Thereafter it specified the gifts and taxes that were given in return for the appointment.

In addition it detailed the material resources in the form of vineyards, gardens, mills and other property that the sultan allowed the patriarch to use. There was no mention of whether Symeon was elected by the Church and probably that was not the case. Maybe like with his predecessor he was appointed through the intervention of the sultan.

The berat did not specify any state duties such as attending sessions of the Divan or even of giving advice to the sultan, but there was a permission to collect taxes from the Christians Other documents from the same monastery show that the Orthodox leadership did collect taxes and delivered them to the state officials. The first chief rabbi was Moses ben Elijah Capsali. It is said that Mehmed II selected him after having secretly listened to Capsali when he was ruling as a judge in a civil law case.

Capsali was already living in Istanbul and was described as an old man who refused bribes and who lead an ascetic life. The sultan was said to have been impressed when Capsali, respecting the exact letter of the law, judged in favor of the poor man rather than the rich man.

Like Gennadios, Capsali was also positive to cooperation with Islam. This case is problematic. Chief rabbi was not a contemporary term. Recent historical scholarship has revised the legendary role of Capsali and the haham basi. If the chief rabbi had any recognized power outside Istanbul, it was because of personal prestige rather than the authority of office. There is no evidence 12 G. His letter of appointment has not been preserved and the year of his appointment is unknown and the story of his appointment was written down much later by a relative The title metropolitan is borrowed from the Greek Orthodox terminology and designates a local bishop It is highly likely that the chief rabbi of Istanbul had authority only within the confines of the city itself and its immediate environs.

There is, however, mention that Mizrahi was himself responsible in for distributing and collecting from all Jewish communities an extraordinary war tax After the death of Mizrahi no new chief rabbi was appointed until the nineteenth century.

The reason for this long vacancy has not been discovered, but it is known that the various linguistic communities among the Jews quarreled and could not agree on a candidate. The Armenian community residing there cannot have been very large as the Byzantine Church had not been on speaking terms with the Armenians, but they were tolerated by the Ottomans. The town of Bursa was an ancient conquest, and had been one of the very first Ottoman territories and its first capital city.

It had a separate Armenian quarter. Thus Yovakim ought to have been considered a loyal subject, already well known to the sultan. There are no contemporary documents but a late eighteenth-century source says that he and other Armenians had been ordered to move in order to repopulate Constantinople The preconditions for the rule of these religious leaders varied, particularly in the question of their legitimacy as religious leaders with authority throughout the entire Ottoman state. The situation was clearest for the Greek Orthodox Patriarch of Constantinople.

This was a position that already existed in Byzantine times and had authority of tradition and continuity. There was an established church hierarchy and the power of 13 S. II, p. I, pp. Judaism had no established hierarchy. There were not many Jewish communities in the area until the influx of Spanish Jews after It is possible that the power of the so-called chief rabbi of Istanbul did not extend beyond the city limits of the capital city to which many Jews had been moved in an effort to repopulate the city.

There were very few Jews left in other towns The Armenian patriarch of Constantinople is equally problematic. There had not been an Armenian community in Constantinople, so the post was completely new.

As a new post it was subordinate to the long established organization of the church. The Armenian Church already had two religious leaders. One was the patriarch of Etchmiadzin and the other was patriarch of Sis in Cilicia. During the fifteenth century both of these places were outside Ottoman control. The authority of the Armenian Patriarch of Constantinople was probably confined to the Istanbul and Balkan area, it can hardly have held great power in eastern Anatolia where most of the Armenians lived.

If the millet was anything more than a principle it could probably be seen as a procedure for gaining the advice and consent of subjects within an autocratic regime. The advice and consent was necessary in order to maintain internal peace through the informed decisions of the autocrat.

There is no indication in the sources available that the religious advisors had any special powers because of their role at the Divan. The term millet was not used for designating non-Muslims until the nineteenth century. At that moment the term millet became the established term for pluralism based on religion. However, the term is anachronistic when applied to the Early Modern Era. From Millets to Nations, Princeton , pp.

This is somewhat less than the , Jews then living in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. Jews had lived in the Balkan region since classical Antiquity. They lived then on the Thracian and Aegean coast. A main center was Salonica. From the coast Jewish settlement expanded into central Macedonia along the road leading from Albania to Constantinople, the Via Egnatia.

These communities were in Byzantine jurisdiction and discriminatory laws dating back to Emperors Theodosius and Justinian were in effect. According to these laws the Jews paid a special poll-tax, had to exercise discretion in matters of public worship, were barred from public office and new religious buildings were prohibited. In the high middle Ages, during the period of the crusades, the Normans briefly took control of Macedonia and Jewish settlements were plundered and all but destroyed.

He stopped at several other Greek towns and noted the presence of a few hundred Jews living in each. At about this time some Jewish refugees from Western Europe, who of course did not know Greek, began to arrive in Salonica and Constantinople.

Basically the Jewish settlements in medieval southeastern Europe were few, small and concentrated to towns. The first settlement of Jews that came under Ottoman control was in the town of Bursa in the early fourteenth century. Documents speak of Jews who were given presumably meaning their taxes or labor to the monasteries of Prilep and Zihna.

The first synagogue in Skopje was erected in Jews were either merchants or engaged in shipping and transport, thus they tended to settle along the major trade routes and in the port-towns. Some worked in auxiliary functions to commerce such as lending money and tax farming There were some artisans working with the production of textiles. The small Jewish communities were organized around the synagogues. If the community was large enough it might have a rabbi. Each large community had a religious court for civil complaints.

The community had scribes who recorded religious cases like divorce and marriage agreements. Synagogues normally had religious schools for the boys. The community would also employ a shochet who determined if an animal was fit for consumption, or was diseased. There were also charities such as for washing the dead and for ransoming slaves. There was no central organization for the Judaism, each community was self governing although it did happen that the large community of Salonica was often asked for advice.

Also some Yiddish speakers were moving into Bulgaria, after being expelled from Hungary in Since they could not speak Greek, the Yiddish speakers started their own prayer houses. Thus when the Ottomans conquered the Balkans they found groups of Jews speaking many different languages and having separate prayer houses and observing slightly different customs. The civil status of the Jews improved slightly when the Ottomans took control. Under the Byzantines, the Jews had been subordinate to the Christians, but after the conquest the Jews and the Christians were placed on exactly the same level.

The Ottomans were unlikely to permit the Christians to harass the Jews. Jews were allowed to settle throughout the empire rather than in a few designated places. All non-Muslims were subordinate to the 22 A. Toleration in the Early Ottoman Empire 29 Muslims, and they paid the same taxes for protection, were subject to the same discrimination, and so on. While the Ottoman conquest resulted in a great decline in status for the Orthodox Christians, the status of Jews did not decline in any essential point.

On the contrary their sense of security probably increased since Muslims were not as prone as Christians to persecute people belonging to other faiths and the Jews acquired freedom of movement throughout the empire. In the Ottomans seized Salonica and in Constantinople fell. After years of warfare and siege, Istanbul was in ruins after its capture.

In order to repopulate the town, forced movements of population took place, and many Jews were transferred to the capital city. Jews who moved to the capital city would often open a synagogue just for their group.

Also, it would appear that most of the Jews native to Salonica as well as from other Balkan settlements were forced to move to Istanbul At the time Istanbul was rebuilt the number of Jews in Ottoman lands was probably very low and most of them were forcibly transferred to Istanbul in order to repopulate the capital. Some towns with a previously large Jewish population like Salonica and Ohrid appeared to have had almost no remaining Jews during the period of rebuilding Istanbul.

However, in the Jews were expelled from Spain and the sultan invited them to settle in Ottoman territories. About 90, Sephardic Jews are calculated to have arrived in the Balkan region. In a short time Istanbul had 44 separate synagogues and 30, Jews.

An undated tax-register from the time of Suleiman I listed 21 separate Jewish communities in Salonica. They had their names after the region or town of origin of the founding group. The largest synagogues bore the following names: Aragon households , Calabrian households , Old Catalan , Catalan , Lisbon but there were also 97 German households. The Greek speaking native Romaniot Jews had 3 synagogues and composed a minority in their birthplace In most places the various Jewish groups lived separate from each other in residential areas or streets.

Additional Yiddish speaking Jews arrived after expulsion from German principalities and as refugees fleeing from the Thirty Years War. As the Sephardic Jews began to settle in places where there previously were few or no other Jews, they began to establish autonomous local religious administrations along the lines that they already knew. Jewish law courts functioned on the local level throughout the Ottoman state. Torah scholars staffed these courts.

These courts had two sorts of sanctions. They could turn over those sentenced to the state officials for punishment or could excommunicate a person out of the community. The local Jewish communities governed themselves without recourse to a centrally placed high official. This tax was only paid in the European and Anatolian territories. Most Ottoman taxes were placed on the Jewish community for payment of a lump sum.

In order to determine the capacity of the community to pay, population censuses were taken every thirty or forty years. The first censuses were usually taken just after an area was conquered. But in many places the community distributed the tax according to its internal rules and could exempt persons because of great service to the community, such as large benefactors to charities. In some places the sum of the poll tax was fixed by a special arrangement and did not adjust to changes of the size of population.

The community leadership itself collected the tax and turned it over to the local Ottoman officials. There were cases in which Jewish law would decide in favor of one side in a conflict, but the Muslim law would decide for the other side. In such cases the Jewish judges found it prudent to decide according to the Ottoman law, as long as it was not against Biblical laws The sphere of family law and religious 25 M. Jewish Sources, Istanbul , p. It was a matter of great concern to induce the Jews to avoid as much as possible the use of the Ottoman legal courts.

However, in cases in which the sentence risked being corporal punishment or prison the perpetrators had to be turned over to the Muslim courts for the execution of the sentence. So sometimes cases of this type went directly to the state court.

The authority of this law court was fragile and depended on the general acceptance of its decisions, but not on any juridical capacity. In instances where Jewish law was in conflict with Muslim law, it was possible for one of the parties in a suit to pursue the conflict in a Muslim court, since that was the law of the land. Some maintain that there was a rabbinical resolution of forbidding Jews from using the state courts and there were local prohibitions for Salonica, Istanbul and Safed.

However if these prohibitions were ever respected the effect could not have been long-term Ottoman authorities forbade Jewish courts to hinder a member from using the Ottoman courts. For instance, a Jewish loan giver might stipulate in the contract that a Muslim court would be used in case the borrower defaulted on payment. In all matters of transfer of real estate the parties were obliged to use the Ottoman courts since the sultan was considered the ultimate owner of all land.

These courts were also used for registering all contracts between Jews and the government, and for the purchase of slaves. It was also known that non-Muslim perpetrators of crime could sometimes use the subterfuge when confronted by a heavy punishment of converting to Islam and receiving thereby amnesty The special case of accusations by Christians against the Jews for the so-called blood libel of killing a Christian child to use its blood, were to be referred to the Imperial Divan.

LEVY ed. The Ashkenazi communities in the Ottoman Empire were usually very small and therefore had difficulty in assembling the ten witnesses necessary for a contract of marriage, so they made do with fewer witnesses. This opened them to criticism from the other Jews. It was normal that Jewish butchers sold meat that was not deemed fit for Jewish food to Christians, thus they did not need to throw the meat away. This opened them to criticism from the others for eating impure food.

The Arabic speaking Mustarib Jews of Damascus quarreled bitterly with the Sephardi Jews over how deep the ritual bath should be The Portuguese and Aragonian Jews in Bitola were in such conflict that they refused to pay their cizye taxes together The various linguistic congregations could normally co-operate on the local level in relations with the Ottomans.

In towns with large settlements a local infrastructure evolved. In Salonica a municipal council for many Jewish congregations was established and it supervised the Talmud school and institutions for the poor and destitute, and it regulated matters of taxation. His function was to maintain contacts with the Ottoman governor and other officials. A semi-official position was that of shtadlan. The function of shtadlan or intermediary had originated in Spain and spread to the Ottoman state.

The first known Ottoman Jewish ketkhuda was a Sephardic rabbi named Shealtiel who was active in the early sixteenth century. Shealtiel was apparently appointed by the sultan in order to report on the financial doings of the congregations. Only the Jews used this title not the urban Armenians or Orthodox.

Toleration in the Early Ottoman Empire 33 accounts to the government for audit Many complaints over his financial transactions made him unpopular with the Jews. This type of shtadlan differed from that in Poland-Lithuania. While in that commonwealth the shtadlan was an agent of the Jewish communities, the Ottoman shtadlan was obviously an agent of the government.

Jewish settlement in the Balkan region was almost exclusively urban. There seems not to have been any ghettos with locked gates and night curfew, with the exception of Dubrovnik, which was a self-governing vassal-state of the Ottomans Dubrovnik probably imported the idea of a ghetto from its Italian trading partners after it had unsuccessfully attempted to expel Jews in the period to However, in most of the larger towns there were designated separate Jewish quarters, mahalle although Jews could and did also reside outside them.

Most began construction in the sixteenth or seventeenth centuries and were located near the synagogue. However, there were no laws that forced all Jews to live in the Jewish quarter. After the sixteenth century there was little immigration of Jews to the Ottoman Empire with the exception of Palestine, where various colonization schemes existed, particularly in the vicinity of Safed.

Congregations also declined because of conversion to Islam. There were advantages in converting, and significant numbers had even experience of conversion to Christianity in Spain and thus knew about leading a double life. In Salonica Jewish families became outwardly Muslims under the condition that 34 M. This type of double identity was similar to that which some families had memory of when forced to convert to Catholicism in Spain and Portugal The most important period of the Jewish community in the Ottoman Empire was over by the middle of the seventeenth century.

The real flourish was in the sixteenth century. The Sephardic immigrants attained their great influence on wealth, which they brought with them, and on political and technical expertise developed in Western Europe. However, after several generations of residence this advantage diminished.

The number of wealthy families dwindled and their political contacts with Western Europe dried up. In addition the Jews no longer had a social or economic niche solely to themselves. Unlike in Christian Europe, the Jews had no monopoly on giving loans or banking and finance. Some Muslims, but even more Christian Armenians filled this role.

In trade and shipping the Greeks were the leading competitors. In the long run the Armenians were the most successful ethnic group in the Ottoman world of money. Also in the eighteenth century the Phanariot Greeks dominated as the major non-Muslim government advisors and functionaries of the Ottoman state.

Avigdor Levy summarizes the position of the Jewish population in the Ottoman Empire. There was little that held the Jewish millet together. Armenian community Already in Byzantine times, the Armenians were a discriminated minority because of their refusal to follow the Orthodox confession of faith.

The doctrine, held by the Armenian Church, was condemned at the council of Chalcedon in But at that time most members of this Church lived outside the control of the Byzantines. There were various Armenian principalities 38 E. Wars and invasions crushed the principalities and dispersed the Armenians in many directions.

Those that came into the Byzantine territory came under the discriminatory laws against non-Orthodox believers. They could not hold state office and public display of religion was forbidden. By the end of the Middle Ages they lived generally in eastern Anatolia as well as in towns of western Anatolia, Bulgaria, Moldavia and Ukraine.

The last Armenian state fell in In this authority was transferred to the Patriarch of Etchmiadzin, in Armenia. Sis was to be relegated to the status of a local bishopric for Cilicia. However, the transfer of supreme authority was rejected, so the leaders of Sis and Etchmiadzin became rivals.

The Patriarch of Etchmiadzin came to represent one type of orthodoxy, while the church based in Sis was known to be amenable to union with the Roman-Catholic Church. At the time of Kolot, the patriarch had such power that he could even select several of the Supreme Catholicos of Etchmiadzin In the Armenian constitution of the Patriarch became the sole representative of the Armenians. His authority was defined as the dioceses of the Armenian Church in the European parts of the empire and in Anatolia.

He could appoint priests and religious officials. He could also judge matters of civil and family law. He could also give permission to build church buildings and set up printing- houses, over which he had right to censure. The local Armenian secular leaders were vaguely responsible for the collection of a tax called the kabol. This was divided up into geographical areas with a bishop collecting within a stated area Laymen were not without power.

In a revolt among the congregation leaders led to the 40 K. A study of its historical development, Istanbul , pp. And at times during the seventeenth century the patriarch was held vacant for lack of suitable candidate. During this time councils of high religious and lay leaders managed the Church As the Istanbul patriarch became more and more powerful, the task of leading the church became more lucrative.

Gradually an Istanbul oligarchy laid its hands on the chief functions and this lead to a serious social division within the Armenian Church. The Armenians were socially divided. A highly privileged and wealthy class, known as amiras, emerged in the eighteenth century. The amiras formed an upper class associated with state contracts, banking and finance, and dealing with precious metals.

A number of palace architects and imperial physicians were Armenian. Some were Ottoman officials such as the superintendents of the mint. The position of this class was instable since the sultan could and sometimes actually did seize the property on any pretence. As community leaders, the amiras were instrumental in establishing charities like hospitals, some of which have existed into modern times.

There was also a middle class of Armenians who worked as artisans within the guild system. Armenians had a near monopoly over manufacture of jewelry and bakeries in the capital city. A large number worked in building construction, as master-builders, stonemasons, carpenters, tile-layers The Armenian lower class consisted of the vast majority, perhaps near to two million persons in the mid nineteenth century, who lived in villages in eastern Anatolia and lived from agriculture.

The social and economic divisions laid the background for Protestant and Roman Catholic missionary activity among the Ottoman Armenians. The Catholics began missionary work as early as the seventeenth century and the Protestants became a major factor in the nineteenth century.

The missionaries had considerable success. Many of the influential amira class were attracted to Catholicism and an Armenian Catholic Patriarch was established in for Lebanon, Syria and Cilicia and in an Armenian Pontifical Vicar was set up in Istanbul. Under the influence of the Ottoman system of multicultural autonomy the Armenian population fractured into many parts.

Toleration in the Early Ottoman Empire 37 century it was probably impossible to say whether any single religious leader could speak for the Armenians. The Ottoman system may not have created the religious or linguistic divisions, but it is likely that the Ottoman system aided the breakdown of these communities.

Greek Orthodox The Orthodox or Rum millet was the largest of the non-Muslim religious groups included in the Ottoman state. It also represented the Roman Catholics up until the creation of the Catholic millet in The conquering Ottomans made no distinction between Catholics and Orthodox and in some documents both are denoted by the same term The major confessional difference between the Orthodox and Roman Catholic Churches concerned the Trinity, particularly the place of the Son of God and of the Holy Ghost.

In addition the Orthodox had leavened communion bread while the Catholics had unleavened bread; Orthodox priests could marry while Roman Catholic priests were bound to celibacy. The conqueror of Constantinople, Mehmed II selected the monk Gennadios to be appointed patriarch of Istanbul because of his known stance against union of the Orthodox and Catholic Churches.

This union had been much discussed in the early fifteenth century, not the least in order to strengthen the defense of the crumbling Byzantine Empire. Orthodox theologians co-operated on the agreement, but it was rejected as a political blunder when they returned to Constantinople.

The reigning Patriarch of Constantinople remained in Italy. Gennadios had taken part in the Florence agreement, but was among those who returned to Byzantium and there changed their minds Since the office of Patriarch of Constantinople already existed as head of the Orthodox world the authority of Gennadios to rule as Partiarch throughout the church was not questioned. The only exceptions to the territorial jurisdiction of the Orthodox Patriarch of Constantinople concerned independent Orthodox church 46 A.

A Historical Overview, Istanbul , p. Indeed, the power of the Patriarch was considerably increased, since he became both the highest religious and highest secular ruler over Orthodox believers, whereas under the Byzantines the patriarch shared power with the Emperor.

The Patriarchs of Istanbul usually spoke Greek. But in the Orthodox Church priests could hold services in the local languages and religious texts were translated. This endeared the Orthodox Church to the peasantry. The Archbishop of Ohrid was independent continuously. According to a firman given to the Serbian Patriarch Arseni in , he and his officials were allowed to collect church taxes within his jurisdiction without hinder from the state functionaries.

He was allowed to judge over civil but not criminal law. However in and both these Slavic- rite churches lost their independence, it is said because of intrigues by the Greek-speaking Orthodox leadership. During the eighteenth century the question of language became important as the Greek clerical hierarchy insisted upon using only Greek in churches and schools. This created great dissent among Orthodox ethnic groups with a different mother tongue, not just the Serbs, Bulgarians who had enjoyed their own religious language for centuries but also the Albanians and Romanians.

Among the Orthodox believers, the bishops functioned as judges. The bishops ruled according to canon law and according to the civil law set down in Byzantine times. Ecclesiastical officials served as notaries and prepared documents. Orthodox religious courts lacked the wide scope of the Muslim and Jewish courts.

The Orthodox courts were confined mainly to only a portion of civil law namely that having to do with marriage, adoption, divorce, and so on. Matters concerning property, trade, commerce and contracts were outside its scope. Most of these local officials were exempted from paying the cizye poll tax. The village heads were elected, while the knez who was somewhat higher up was appointed by the state.

The local community and its self-government were not responsible to the Orthodox ecclesiastical authorities, but only to the Ottoman representatives One major function was to assist the Ottoman officials to collect taxes. The various village heads met once a year to form an advisory assembly. One or two members of the assembly were elected to be an executive council for the Ottoman authority For a long time the Orthodox Church also represented the Roman Catholics of the empire.

It would deliver the taxes for Catholics in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Among the first Catholic villages to come into Ottoman hands were parts of rural Bosnia, where there were some Franciscan monasteries. This has sometimes been claimed to show that Catholics did have a millet from very early on, but the wording shows that the privilege was limited only to the Franciscans in Bosnia.

If there was any non-Muslim group that was relatively badly treated it was probably the Catholics, or at least some researchers have argued this point. The argument is that Roman Catholics were considered security risks since the Pope was an enemy of the Ottomans and many aggressive Catholic states bordered the Empire.

Thus when there were prolonged wars with the Catholic powers, and particularly when the Ottomans were unsuccessful, there was some oppression of the Catholics living in the Empire. Church buildings could be torn down. Priests took to wearing disguise in order to avoid attack The Catholic population dwindled and many Bosnian Catholics apparently converted to the more privileged Orthodox Church.

Also the Orthodox collected taxes from the Catholics and this quite naturally became a matter for dispute The Orthodox Church seems not to have represented the Catholics in any function other than tax collection. There were several parties that competed over their souls, but none of them was the Orthodox Church.

The Habsburg Emperors in their capacity as kings of Hungary continued to appoint bishops to dioceses in Ottoman territory. But they were never allowed to enter. The Pope also appointed so called missionary bishops and they were allowed cross the border. Finally the Bosnian Franciscans, whose monasteries were inside the Ottoman Empire, could work freely in the area. This example indicates that the Orthodox had difficulty in representing the Catholics.

Within the Orthodox millet the Phanariot Greeks emerged as an upper class. Starting in the late seventeenth century Orthodox Christians from Phanar district in Istanbul began to be appointed in the central Ottoman bureaucracy without needing to convert to Islam. The Phanariots had their greatest importance from the eighteenth century up to the Greek rebellion of Suspecting local Romanian rulers for supporting Russia, the Ottomans replaced them in Wallachia and Moldavia with Phanariots who were considered more loyal.

This gave them considerable opportunity to enrich themselves through corruption and misuse of public income Conclusion The Ottoman Empire was to be sure characterized by religious toleration. Jahrhundert, in J. Jahrhundert in Staat, Gesellschaft und Kultur, Stuttgart , pp. It also extended to heterodox sects within Islam as long as they did not cause rebellion. There was a degree of self-government within the major religions since religious courts could judge in traditional matters like family law, inheritance, trade and commerce and watched over the code of conduct.

In the religious jurisdiction the Jews and Armenians had greater scope as their laws covered many aspects of secular life. Meanwhile, the Orthodox religious courts were confined to matters of family law. The self-government of religious minorities developed in analogy with the theocratic institutions of the Byzantine and Ottoman states. The Ottoman constitution was that of an absolute despotism and there were no independent governmental structures and no intervening organs of representative legislative bodies such as town, provincial and national corporate councils or parliaments.

Thus the religious minorities usually lacked political organs beyond the level of the local community or congregation. This meant that there were few forums for political debate. The Ottoman state had a hierarchical structure and there was an attempt to give the religious minorities such a structure through the offices of Patriarch of Istanbul for the Orthodox, Patriarch of Istanbul for the Armenians and the Chief Rabbi of Istanbul for the Jews.

However, since Judaism normally did not have a hierarchical organization the office of chief rabbi died out after and probably did not ever function very well. The Armenian patriarch did not function well until the eighteenth century because there were already two rival heads of the church in Etchmiadzin and Sis, and Istanbul was far removed from the main Armenian populations. Only the Orthodox patriarch filled a well-established office in a church with a hierarchical tradition.

All of these high religious leaders were appointed by the sultan and could be removed by him. The basic dynamic of the Ottoman multicultural system was fission. Groups, which were expected to organize themselves around a single religious leader, were instead subject to increasing fragmentation and separation.

On the local level some religions were split over the issue of language. Jews speaking Greek, Spanish, Portuguese, Italian, Yiddish and Arabic formed separate congregations and co-operated with difficulty. Even the Orthodox were split and the domination of Greeks irritated those who spoke Arabic, Romanian, Slavic language or Albanian. On the other hand some language groups were split over the issue of doctrine. And all groups were divided by the many exceptions to paying the cizye tax, so that there were privileged and tax-freed groups within each population.

It is possible that fragmentation of the millets was a consequence of the stagnation and steady decline of Ottoman power, which began in the late sixteenth century. Perhaps the minorities flourished only when the Ottoman state was in its fullest bloom up to the death of Suleiman the Magnificent in However, it is also arguable that the Ottoman state had in it a tendency to fragmentation that contributed to the stagnation despite a very good beginning.

The so-called millets may have been part and parcel of a self-destructive trend. Since there was no aristocracy and nobility, the Ottoman state lacked the possibility, which existed in Poland, of noblemen protecting a favored minority from persecution. However, the situation was more equal in the Ottoman state because the decrees of the sultan were universal and had to be respected everywhere. Thus there was no possibility to pass a local privilege of non-tolerance of any religious minority.

Also in the Ottoman Empire the level of hostility between religious groups was seldom allowed to become violent, but rather kept on a low level of verbal and symbolic abuse and avoidance. Likewise there was no dramatic shift away from tolerance to intolerance as in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth after the mid seventeenth century.

However, since Islam was given priority in the Ottoman Empire in the same manner Catholicism came to get first priority in Poland, there was a constant drain of the elite away from the non-Muslim religions through conversion. Many religions were tolerated, but one received preferential treatment.

The Ottoman Empire was tolerant in practice even if it lacked a theory or ideology of tolerance. However, the state gave very little support to the non-Muslim millets. They were allowed to crumble and divide. No central document can be said to have functioned as a constitution. The appointments of the religious leaders were in the form of private letters of appointment and safe-conduct and since they were personal very few of them have survived.

This is probably an inadequate basis for the political representation of a minority in a pluralistic framework. Each of us must begin it over again in turn; the previous experiments do not relieve us of our responsibility, but they can teach us the effects of misreading the facts. The Question of the Other, New York The «other» usually refers to the colonized others who are marginalized by imperial discourse, identified by their difference from the centre and who become the focus of anticipated mastery by the imperial ego.

On the other hand, «Other» - with the capital «O» - is the great, symbolic Other in whose gaze the subject gains identity. This Other is mostly identified to the imperial centre, imperial discourse and it has twofold function: it provides the terms in which the colonized subject gains a sense of its identity and it becomes ideological framework in which the colonized subject may come to understand the world.

This binary and asymmetrical conceptualization of the Other does not seem quite an appropriate heuristic tool for analyzing Ottoman discourse with its paradoxical dialectics of contempt and admiration for the different and expansionist civilization and culture of the Ottoman Turks. Accordingly, firm and impermeable symbolic boundaries between the two confronting civilisational and religious entities were constructed, so that their relationship was often represented as a relentless contention of the two Manichean principles.

Constructed in this way, the Ottoman Other necessarily implies a lack, which on the other side of the symbolic boundary consequently produces interest and desire for its cognitive appropriation. Ottomanism will be found to be both strategic and interested. SINGH eds. In the imaginary projection of the European subject this would at the same time bring about the satisfaction of desire as well as the restoration of unity of symbolic universe which was at dawn of the early modern period perceived primarily as Res publica Christiana.

Cultural translation is thus an important aspect of the process of cultural hybridization in general. Another important contribution to the concept of cultural translation was made by F. The Representation of the Other in the writing of History, Berkley Analysing modalities of representation of Scythian other in the Histories of Herodotus Hartog argues that comparison functions within the rhetoric of otherness as a procedure of translation.

Influenced by Ortiz, Mary Louise Pratt describes it as a «phenomenon of the contact zone where disparate cultures meet, clash and grapple with each other». Generally, it refers to the reciprocal influences of modes of representation and cultural practices of various kinds in colonies and metropoles.

It was elaborated in the works of Homi K. For more detailed account cfr. Assumedly, he was born in Mala Mlaka, a small village near Zagreb and was culturally formed in the Hungarian humanist circle. Serving under the flag of Bishop Ladislaus Szalkany, he was captured after the battle of Mohacs in and taken to the Ottoman captivity, in the course of which he had travelled across almost all of the Ottoman Empire.

This is corroborated by the fact 8 For a more detailed biography cfr. The Renaissance image of the Turk , Nieuwkoop I was entirely robbed, chained and dragged like a cattle through dry and humid places of Thrace and Asia Minor, through towns, villages and streets in order to be sold.

I had been put up for sale for seven times to do the most difficult and various country works. There I was beaten in a Turkish and rustic manner and submitted to the most cruel discipline. I suffered from hunger, thirst and cold, lying naked under the sky. I was forced to feed the flocks of sheep and cattle, work on the field, look after horses and learn how to fight. Then I tried to escape and lived from the acorns, wild herbs and their bitter roots spiced with tiny bit of salt. I wandered through the desert guided by the North star and surrounded by ravenous beasts.

The main sources for Ottoman military expeditions under Suleiman the Magnificent are his diaries. Afterwards I was given to tradesmen and fencing-masters. Thus for the period of thirteen years, agitated by the waves of hostile Fortune I experienced and underwent lots of miseries, disasters, afflictions and prosecutions under the Turkish rule for the sacred Christian faith According to their structural characteristics, his works could hence be included in the travel writing literature based on autopsy, even though they were realised in different generic forms, such as descriptio, oratio or exhortatio.

Consequently, in the focus of discursivation there can be found primarily deviations, detachments and dissimilarities. Cui libellus de Turcorum moribus collectus a Bartholomaeo Georgieviz, adiectus est. Cum praefatione r. Philippi Melanchtonis, Witebergae , s. As opposed to this, the Ottoman Other is represented as a unique, homogenous and atemporal entity The core subject of the writing De Turcarum ritu et caerimoniis are various aspects of social, political, economic, legal, military and religious practices within the Ottoman Empire, together with flora, fauna, everyday life, customs, rituals, nutritional and hygienic habits of the population.

If somebody commits a murder, he is sentenced 17 E. If somebody steals or violently seizes, he will be hanged. It happened to a janissary who, without paying for it, had drunk the milk belonging to a woman who was going to sell it in the market. When was accused by the judge, he denied the fact. Hanged by his feet and tied with a rope he immediately vomited milk. He was sentenced to be strangled on the spot.

It happened in my presence in Damascus when I travelled from Armenia to Jerusalem If they urinate, they wash penis or male sexual organ. If they evacuate bowls, they wash their genitals, both females and men. They are followed by servants who carry dish full of water, females by female servants, men by male ones. When going to wash themselves, women grease themselves with a kind of unguent which makes their hair fall off after half an hour. Men shave their penises too, and do not let their hairs to grow at all, but both men and women do that for two or three times each month, especially when visiting temples, otherwise they are immolated as blasphemers The writing De afflictione tam captivorum quam sub tributo viventium Christianorum lively represents sufferings of Christian prisoners and their life conditions in the Ottoman Empire.

Judging from the numerous references, to the early modern Westerner the most incomprehensible Muslim custom was the above described custom of washing of genitals each time after evacuating bowels and urinating. But before baking, they usually strew unbaked bread with some kind of seed called sussam, which makes it very sweet to those who eat it ….

Night brings to them i. Loud wailing of raped adolescents of both sexes can be heard in the darkness. Not even an age of sixty of seventy could save them of such foulness, but this perfidious nation makes atrocities both against and before nature The rest of them i. If they survive, they are spared for nothing but for the exercise of most perfidious passions … Proselytism might be seen as another manifestation of colonial desire, imagined not as a physical but cultural and spiritual exchange.

Along with discursive recycling of some elements of Ottomanist cultural imagery, a proselytistic dimension has been more explicitly shown in the following two writings, De Christianorum cladibus et calamitatibus, deinde de suae sectae interitu et de Turcarum ad fidem Christi conversione On slaughters and miseries of Christians, then on destruction of their sect and on conversion to Christianity and Disputationis cum Turca habitae narratio Narration on controversy with the Turk.

In the context of mainstream discourse on sexuality in the early modern period which is characterized by hierarchical conception of gender relations and homophobia, representing Turks as effeminate homosexuals was an act of their human, ethical as well as political disqualification. For more detailed explanation cfr.

Hybridity in Theory, Culture and Race, London Is there anybody who doubts that the Christian sword which the Turk prophet is talking of will be avenger of all our disasters, prosecutions and afflictions and after having destructed this Kingdom of Satan it will bring and restore freedom, peace and tranquillity equally to our Christian brothers who are suppressed by the Turkish yoke and to the whole Christian world which is afflicted by numerous perils?

Their diabolic sect will be annihilated and all these lost souls will be easily which will be explained in the next chapter at great length and soon reduced to the Christian cult and to the one shepherd Christ, compelled by the power of evangelical preaching The last two works, Deploratio cladis Christianorum and Exhortatio contra Turcas, belong to the genre of the humanist anti-Ottoman speeches addressed to European Christian rulers Although reproducing standard repertoire of the Ottomanist cultural stereotypes, these works are also an excellent example of discursive destabilisation of the cultural projections of the Other.

For the Croatian Exhortationes see: V. For a short overview of the common features of that genre cfr. Cur enim Christus nobiscum esset, qui a nobis per tot haereses, in tot partes dilaniantur? In contrast, the Turks become the picture of sobriety, parsimony, faithfulness and obedience, which is specially manifested in their military ethos Ecclesiastici praeter pompam Ecclesiasticam, vix quicquam Ecclesiae habent, non sanctitatem, non pietatem, non eruditionem debitam profitentur.

Nam fere omnes quaerere viderentur quae sua sunt, non quae Christi: et vere prophetae ore dicere possumus: Omnes declinaverunt simul inutiles facti sunt, non est qui faciat bonum, non est usque ad unum. Quid igitur mirum si talibus motibus Christus amicus esse nolit? Nam Turca vitia sua domi deponit, Christianus assumit: in castris Turcarum nullae delitiae, arma tantummodo et necessarius victus: in castris vero Christianorum luxus, et omnis luxuriae commeatus, adest gravior turba meretricum quam vivorum.

Schotus helluatur: militem qui moribus miles sit, vix ullum reperias. Quid igitur mirum, si vincant illi apud illos sobrietas, parsimonia, vigilantia, fidelitas, et summa obedientia? Besides, in the works De Turcarum ritu et caerimoniis and De afflictione tam captivorum quam sub tributo viventium Christianorum he also includes short conversational manuals in which communication between participants of the two opposed linguistic, cultural and religious worlds is staged in the form of polite dialogues Dialogus interrogationum et responsionum Turcae cum Christiano and Salutatio Turcarum, Persarum et Arabum.

At the beginning of the 17th century it will also be incorporated in linguistic and political program of the reformed post-Tridentine Catholicism And if examined from the perspective of contemporary post-colonial theory, it can also be viewed as a possible site of discursive empowering of the Other. They were not portrayed as one among many infidels, but as the fundamental enemies of Christianity, the Cross and the Church. Of all infidels, they were the most alien to the Christian faith.

The eleventh century was the starting point of an incessant warfare against Islam in the Mediterranean. Then the picture of the evil Muslim, occupying the holy womb of the Christianity, Jerusalem, began to emerge in the imaginary of Europeans. The war against them was seen as an outlet for violence that would otherwise have ravaged 1 G. Fink, Knoxille Tenn. Aeneas Silvius Piccolomini portrayed the Turks as destroying Greek and Latin culture, the source of European learning and arts.

He accused the European countries for attacking one another instead the common enemy, the enemy of the cross. This is the very context in which he defines Europe: this is the face of Europe, the state of the Christian faith4. These attitudes generated from the Crusades echoed in the Croatian and Dalmatian literature5. They echoed in Ragusan chronicles as well. After the encounter with the Turks in the 14th and 15th centuries, Europeans started to think harder on their own identity.

The old imaginary and ideas of the Crusades spluttered to life in the encounter with those who were threatening the Christendom, i. Europe to become a self-conscious collectivity. Europeans created two, diametrically opposed pictures of the Turks: some of them focused on their inhumanity, monstrous cruelty and pugnacity.

They were feared of, being military so successful, known of cruelty and having strange customs. The pictures of tortured and maimed and, the horror of 3 J. Le Goff, Roma-Bari , pp. Ausgewahlte Texte aus seinen Schriften, edited by B. Widmer, Basel-Stuttgart , p. Zagreb Nodilo, Zagreb , p. Osmanlis, Islam and Christianity in Ragusan Chronicles 63 the horrors, impaled people, invaded the imaginary of the Europeans.

On the other side, many Europeans noticed the high standards of Ottoman civilization, material and spiritual heritage. Sometimes they were even put as examples to the Christians on account of their piety and devotion to their religion and rituals. The firm government and the respect for law were admired, as well as the military and diplomatic skills, domestic comforts, literacy, education, personal self-discipline and decorous stillness of their behaviour.

The picture of the oniric, miraculous East excited the minds of Europeans9. Any person dressed strangely, in Eastern way, was considered a Turk, feared in advance as a person of bad manners, offender or criminal On the other hand, the Turks were building the stereotypes on Francs or Latins, as infidels, violent, fierce, uncivilized, unclean, unwise, aiming to the earthly goods, voracious and filthy pig eaters, empty headed, unrefined, unsophisticated, superficial, voluptuous, effeminate In any case, the Turks were present.

The reality of Turk-Ragusan relationship th centuries It is well known that the Republic of Dubrovnik was in a particular position between the Turks and Christians from the 15th century on, allied to both of them. The first 9 J.

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Neki toga nisu svjesni. Tamo je dospio krajem Prije je preselila u Bugarsku. Svi Bugari su danas htjeli ne htjeli — Srbi. Ali time otvaramo Pandorinu kutiju. Naime, ideja velike Srbije je generacijska doktrina. Jednom se je to zamalo dogodilo, a to je bilo Dok god je to tako, Srbiji je potreban Tesla Srbin. Indoktrinacija tih ljudi traje godina.

To je osam generacija. Uvjeren sam da u Srbiji ima puno dobrih i pametnih ljudi. Dana Akademici su tu neke premise dobro shvatili, ali iz njih nisu izvukli valjane konkluzije. O pravima katolika u Srbiji se ipak brine univerzalna KC. U svibnju Ako ti i jesi dobio arhierejstvo, od koje Crkve? I ako je to u Srbiji, mi pitamo: Kako? Mjesec svibanj Ovo je prvi put ne i zadnji da je netko od visokog pravoslavnog klera prokleo Savinu protukanonsku tvorbu.

SAVA s latinskom tonzurom podstrig. Hrvatska pravoslavna crkva. Napravi besplatnu web stranicu ili blog na WordPress. The correspondence is available to trusted volunteers as ticket If you have questions about the archived correspondence, please use the VRT noticeboard. From Wikimedia Commons, the free media repository. File information. Structured data. Captions Captions English Add a one-line explanation of what this file represents. Summary [ edit ] Description Zagreb pravoslavna crkva.

English: Orthodox cathedral of the Transfiguration of the Lord in Zagreb. You are free: to share — to copy, distribute and transmit the work to remix — to adapt the work Under the following conditions: attribution — You must give appropriate credit, provide a link to the license, and indicate if changes were made.

You may do so in any reasonable manner, but not in any way that suggests the licensor endorses you or your use. You cannot overwrite this file. The following other wikis use this file: Usage on it. Structured data Items portrayed in this file depicts.

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Ovdje je prvi puta pravoslavac. Novoizabrani biskup Europske pravoslavne crkve, koju sad naziva sektom!? Google lako izbaci more podataka o fra Andriji. Crkveni kanoni — apostolsko pravilo br. Jednom episkop, zauvijek episkop. Kad bi to bila istina, ja se zasigurno ne bih javno izlagao.

To nije samo rekla-kazala, ja sam javna osoba. U Zagrebu, Hrvatski arhiepiskop Alexander Radoev Ivanov, mag. On u stvari nezna puno o crkvenim kanonima jer nije teolog. Mitropolita se bira. Kaznenog zakona Republike Hrvatske. Nije bitno koja je crkva — bitan je novac.

JPG autorska prava. Velimir Bujanec ovome je varalici napravio veliku promociju u svojoj emisiji i tako obmanuo javnost. Utorak, lipanj 21, Status pretplate Account. Sign in. Tako je kralj Ferdinand V. Zanimljivo da tokom svibanjskog sabora Simpozija Hrvatske Pravoslavne Crkve, Zagreb, Bavi se sportom, vinogradarstvom, plivanjem, fotografijom, glumom, pjevanjem, pisanjem…!

Za njega je rekao da je — magarac. Na primjer njegov odnos prema vjeri i Bogu. Zapravo je bilo suprotno. Ali to nisu bili Srbi. Drugi primjer odnosi se na humor. Odjednom je gomila progonila Teslu ulicom kao u starim nijemim filmovima. On nije dolijevao ulje na vatru. On je to sustavno odbijao. Bio je dosljedni mirotvorac. Ali etiopski car Haile Selasije nije se toga dosjetio, a Tesline ideje nisu doprle do njega. Bila je vrlo lijepa, obrazovana i ljupka.

Nitko osim Tesle. To je otprilike kao kad bi netko Chopina proglasio Rusom ili Shakespearea Francuzom. On im je trn u oku. Neki toga nisu svjesni. Tamo je dospio krajem Prije je preselila u Bugarsku. Svi Bugari su danas htjeli ne htjeli — Srbi.

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Homosexualci Srpska Pravoslavna Crkva / Serbian Church

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